ABSTRACT:
The study examined the assessment of N-power in reducing unemployment in Nigeria. Rivers State were carefully selected to represent the entire population of Nigeria . Survey design was used in this study to generate data. A sample of 400 respondent youths was studied. After going through them 381 copies (i.e. 95.25% response rate) were found useful for the data analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyse data in this study. Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation Co-efficient (r) was used to test the hypotheses. The study found that the major N-Power programmes used towards unemployment alleviation in Rivers State included: N-Power Teach, N-Power Build, N-Power Creative, N-Power Agro, N-Power Tech Software N-Power Tax, N-Power Health and N-Power Tech Hardware. The study revealed that N-Power Programmes’ beneficiaries were mainly university and polytechnic graduates. The study found that the major factors that affected the implementation of N-Power programmes included: Insufficient information, non-payment of stipend to participants as at when due, bribery and corruption, wrong bank verification number (BVN), overbearing hands of politicians in the programme etc. It is evident and conclusive that: There is significant relationship between N-Power programmes and unemployment alleviation in Rivers State and there is significant relationship between N-Power programmes and empowerment of the youths in Rivers State. The study therefore recommends that the authorities concerned should promote rural development through N-Power programmes. Also, government at all levels should reactivate moribund industries and enterprises and expand the horizon of N-Power programmes in that direction.
CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study
Indeed, the N-Power programme has become a household name and has continued to generate some controversy, although the government is living up to its billing in addressing concerns raised in association with the programme. Explaining the rationale behind the programme, a highly placed government official says, the N-Power Programme of the Federal Government is a job creation and empowerment initiative of the Social Investment Programme, designed to drastically reduce youth unemployment in Nigeria (Obadan, 2017). The focus is to provide our young graduates and non-graduates with the skills, tools and livelihood to enable them advance from empowerment to empowerment, entrepreneurship and innovation.
 
Perhaps to further demonstrate the fact that it was aimed at addressing the challenges of empowerment, it forerunners categorized it into Graduate Teachers Corps which targeted 500,000 graduates recruitment, N-Power Knowledge targeting 25,000 non-graduates recruitment and N- Power Build which targets 75,000 nongraduates’ recruitment. It was gathered that the 500,000 graduates under the N-Power Corps programme will get computing devices that will contain information necessary for their specific engagement, as well as information for their continuous training and development. Participants are to provide teaching, instructional, and advisory solutions in 4 key areas namely agriculture, health, power tech and community education (Obadan, 2017).
 
The N-Power Agro volunteers are meant to function as intermediaries between research and farmers. They operate as facilitators and communicators, helping farmers in their decision-making and ensuring that appropriate knowledge is implemented to obtain the best results on farms. Through the N-Power Health programme, young graduates who form part of the 500,000 N-Power Corps members are trained to work as public health assistants.They teach preventive health to community members including pregnant women, children, families and individuals. They are also trained to provide basic diagnostic services (Aderonmu, 2017).The N-Power Teach programme engages qualified graduates for the benefit of basic education delivery in Nigeria. They are deployed as teaching assistants in primary and secondary schools across Nigeria. They are not to replace the current teachers, but are to work as support teachers, assisting with teaching, school management and other functions within the schools. They assist in taking basic education to children in marginalized communities (Aderonmu, 2017).
 
There is also the N-Power Knowledge programme which is the Federal Government’s first step towards diversifying to a knowledge economy. This programme works alongside the planned eight innovation hubs across the country to provide incubation and acceleration of the technology and creative industries. The programme is a ‘Training to Jobs’ initiative, essentially ensuring that participants can get engaged in the marketplace in an outsourcing capacity, as freelancers, as employees and as entrepreneurs (Federal Ministry of Youth Development, 2009).Indeed, the programme is carefully designed in such a manner that if well implemented, can help in further addressing the challenges of empowerment and subsequently, reduce poverty among the youths. But then of course, there appears to be some confusion of some sort in the way and manner the programme is being handled. The programme could not kick off in most states as scheduled. Some of the controversies included the fact that the names released so far are reportedly fraught with ‘ghost names’ (Bennel, 2017).
 
Poverty alleviation remains a major challenge of modern economies around the world today, Nigeria is no exception. Resulting from poor enterprise culture, the poverty alleviation programme in Nigeria is now a major driver of poverty and social vices. The poverty alleviation programmes in Nigeria have assumed multi-dimensional phenomena cutting across all facets of age group, educational strata and geographies. Poverty alleviation programmes are unevenly distributed across the age groups with youth between the ages of 18-35 being the greatest beneficiaries. More disturbing today, is the ever-rising trend of youth unemployment programmes in the country. The effective implementation of the programmes will discourage them from engaging in social vices which constrain in Rivers State. This study therefore seeks to assess  Npower in reducing unemployment
 
Statement of the Problem
 
Some systemic hiccups, including insufficient information and wrong Bank Verification Number (BVN) have been identified as factors threatening to wreck the N-Power programme, introduced by the Federal Government, as a social safety net to reduce the rate of graduate unemployment plaguing the country. Specifically, the programme, which took off in December 2016 year is designed to provide a stopgap for 500,000 unemployed graduates of tertiary institutions over the next two years (Bennel, 2017).While the Federal Government is responsible for their monthly stipends, it is in partnership with state governments to verify selected unemployed graduates and deploy them to their places of primary assignment. Volunteer graduates are expected to serve in the communities where they are resident.
 
Under the programme, the first batch of 200,000 participants are to be paid N30, 000 a month and deployed by the respective state governments and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) to their different places of assignment, including classrooms as teachers (Federal Ministry of Youth Development, 2009). But some months into the programme has started facing different challenges, with about 13,000 participants alleging that they have not been paid their monthly stipend (Aderonmu, 2017).For instance, the Nigeria Interbank Systems (NIBSS), which provides the technical support for the programme has identified sundry challenges, including failure on the part of the beneficiaries to input correct Bank Verification Numbers (BVN) and other details to match the information initially provided for processing. Funmi Olowosulu, a participant who was posted to LGEA Primary School, Lokoguma, Kogi State, where she teaches, is yet to receive her monthly stipend of N30, 000 three months after enrolling in the programme, because of inconsistency in her personal details, as well as her Bank Verification Number (BVN) (Bennel, 2017).
 
Another beneficiary, Umar Abdulrasheed, who spends N80 daily on transportation to work, has also not received his stipend for the same number of months. Additionally, he is indebted to his neighbours who usually bail him out of financial difficulties in the hope that he would defray same once his stipends are paid. The situation is not different in Rivers, Edo, Enugu and Kaduna states, where participants have protested and called on the Federal Government to come to their aid by addressing the numerous challenges facing the smooth operation of the programme. A good number of participants in the programme are frustrated because their expectations were yet to be met, three months after the programme kicked off (Aderonmu, 2017). Besides, some of the participants are disqualified for various reasons, ranging from being over-age, to falsification of information and being currently gainfully employed. Already, Rivers State government, in collaboration with the Federal Government has embarked on another verification exercise in order to afford those that missed out in the first phase come on board. The efforts on the part of the government in alleviating and eradicating poverty among the youth in Rivers State have paradoxically led to more problems for the youth in the state.
 
Purpose of the Study
 
The purpose of this study is on “assessment of  N-power in reducing unemployment Alleviation in Nigeria”  A study of Rivers State.
 
Specific objectives of the study therefore, are:

1. To ascertain the activities of N-Power Agency towards unemployment alleviation in Rivers State
2. To determine the extent to which N-Power programmes generate empowerment for the youths in Rivers
3. To ascertain how N-Power Programmes alleviate poverty in Rivers
4. To identify the problems affecting N-Power Agency/programmes

 
Research Questions
 
The following are the research questions of the study which would elicit answers:

1. What are the activities of N-Power Agency towards employment?
2. To what extent do N-Power programmes generate empowerment for the youth in Rivers State?
3. How would N-Power Programmes alleviate poverty in Rivers State?
4. What are some of problems affecting N-Power programmes towards poverty alleviation in Rivers State?

 
Research Hypotheses
The following hypotheses have been formulated in this study for testing:
H01:     There is no significant relationship between the activities of N-Power Agency/programmes and employement alleviation in Rivers State.
H02:     There is no significant relationship between N-Power programmes and empowerment of the youths in Rivers State.
 
Significance of  the Study
 This study will be of benefit to university lecturers, students, government and the university management. The study will show to them the causes, the effects of unemployment and the need for entrepreneurship education e.g N-power in solving the problem of youth unemployment in Nigeria.
 
To university lecturers, the study will unveil to them the areas to concentrate in the school syllabus in order to develop entrepreneurial minds of students for creative employment and also help the show the need for introducing entrepreneurship education into the school curriculum in Nigeria.
To the parents, the study of their children during child birth and training cannot be determined towards the course of study in higher institution. Lastly, the findings from the study will show to the government the role of entrepreneurship education in solving the problem of youth unemployment in Nigeria.

Definition of Terms

1. Skills

According to Speelman [2005], a skill is seen as ability to do something well, usually gained through training or experience. Skills are often acquired after a training session or after a practical.

1. Skills acquisition

Skills acquisition is the ability to learn or acquire skills. It involves the development of a new skill, practice of a way of doing things usually gained through training or experience Speelman [2005].
iii. Unemployment
Unemployment or joblessness, as defined by the International Labour Organization (1982) occurs when people are without jobs and they have actively sought work within the past five weeks. The unemployment rate is a measure of the prevalence of unemployment and it is calculated as a%age by dividing the number of unemployed individuals by all individuals currently in the labour force. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (2011), unemployment rate is the proportion of those who are looking for work but could not find work for at least 40 hours during the reference period to the total currently active (labour force) population.

POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN NIGERIA AN OVERVIEW OF THE 2007 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
ABSTRACT
One of the basic machineries of any representative democratic system is the electoral process. The experience of the western representative democracy in Nigeria can be traced from the Clifford and Macpherson constitutions for years respectively. This was elaborated at independence in the second republic and subsequent periods. Very ugly experience has characterized the activities with the electoral process that constitutes the burning questions in this work within these sparing periods Nigeria political history has been filled with malpractice fraud and therefore violence.
The election of the first republic displayed ethnicity in the second republic presidential election is been records its ugly tendencies but in refined form. This time, money and corruption led the race in electoral malpractices of the past and present on the political system. The study finally traces these political problems of the country to basic socio-institutional origins of the ethnicity class, material consciousness and others.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page – – – – – – – i
Approval page- – – – – – ii
Dedication- – – – – – – iii
Acknowledgment- – – – – – iv
Abstract- – – – – – – – v
Table of contents – – – – – v
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 Introduction- – – – – – 1
1.1 Backgrounds to the study- – – 2-4
1.2 statement of problem- – – – 5
1.3 Objectives of study- – – – – 6
1.4 research design- – – – – 7
1.5 Significance of study- – – – 7
1.6 Scope and limitation of study – – – 8
1.7 limitation of study- – – – – 9
1.8 Definitions of terms – – – – 9-10
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 Literature review – – – – – 11
2.1 Introductions – – – – – – 12
2.2 meaning of election- – – – – 12-15
2.3 Purposes: function and problems
of election- – – – – – 15-22
2.4 Political violence- – – – – 23-27
Reference – – – – – – 28
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 Research methodology – – – – 29
3.1 introduction – – – – – 29
3.2 research design- – – – – 30
3.3 Method of Data collection- – – – 30
3.4 Sampling size – – – – – – 31
3.5 Data analysis techniques- – – – 32
3.6 validity and reliability of
Measuring instrument – – – – 32
3.7 method of data analysis- – – 33-34
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Presentation and analysis of data- – 35
4.1 Data presentation – – – – – 35
4.2 analysis of data- – – – – 35
4.3 Research findings- – – – – 36
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Summary – – – – – – – 38
5.2 Conclusion- – – – – – 39
5.3 Recommendations – – – – – 40-41
References – – – – – – 42
Appendix – – – – – – 43
Questionnaire- – – – – – 44-45
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The Nigerian authorities and the independent National electoral commission (INEC) must prevent a repeat of the political violence that characterized the 2007 and 2003 elections. The political environment is however very tense. In the run up to the elections, the country has seen an increase in violence.
Several hundred people have been killed in politically motivated. Communal and sectarian violence across Nigeria in the past six months. In addition human rights defenders and journalist, who play a key role in monitoring Nigeria’s upcoming election in April, are facing increasing intimidation and harassment. Yet the Nigerian authorities have failed to bring suspected perpetrators to justice, or to take effective measures to prevent further human rights abuses.
1.1 BACKGROUND OF STUDY
The significance of election as an instrument for regime change has been recognized in most parts of the world. it’s importance in a democratic society has been acknowledged long in the history of man.
In Nigeria, the act of government by democratic means is highly cherished by the populace. Election of courses can be basic tool of democratic development.
However, over the years the desire, choice and task of building a stable democracy in Nigeria has remained a mirage and part of this has unfulfilled dream as peaceful change of government ostensibly, through the electoral process.
It is a common pattern that elections in the third world countries were bedeviled by violence and malpractice(.s and for such reasons election conducts were not free and fair unlike the cases in advanced countries.
Election seems to highlight the most traits in the characters of Nigeria, particularly those of them who are active particularly in the electoral process. This national problem stems from the facts that Nigeria fits Thomas Hobbes description of man in his state of nature is basically self seeking and self-centered.
This determines the greed in the Nigerian man hence cultural a flat has become part of the socio-political economic organizations.
All elections nationwide election so far conducted by Nigerians for Nigerians have virtually brought our country to the bank of civil way. This was true of the presidential election of 1979-1983, if we agreed that election is basic took of democratic development it’s application becomes over more vital in political transition such as we have in this countries since independence.
Infact, nothing would have been more gratifying in those transition exercises than to see this country match into a republic under a government duly installed by the people of Nigeria through a democratic election such as development would not only be cherished for building a stable democratic society in the country.
Election malpractices constitute a form of political corruption, electoral fraud is therefore politically destabilizing, economically wasteful and destructive to government development and improvement capacity. It destroys the legitimacy of government structure, heightens problems of national disintegration and upset ethnic balance for the individual listeners who take election as a means to exercise political power no matter how small it may be.
Election thus are at the heart of the structure of the functioning of modern democratic state and accompanies by irregularities and discrepancies summarily known as malpractice.
The Nigeria first, second and third republic blew the pipe of ethnic polities and political corruption. Events of the past here is seriously shaking the confidence of the Nigeria people in the method by which they choose their governing officials. It is very difficult to imagine how a country can function democratically if most of her citizens continue to believe that the electoral system is fraudulent.
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
The issue of electoral malpractices has always been of serious concern to so many patriotic and well-meaning Nigerians because of the destabilizing effects it has on the national body polity.
A Cursory look at the annuals of the history reveals that Nigerian elections have become so afflicted with this ailment that one is forced to albeit uneasily come to grapple with the fact that this country as an entity might not after all survive for long. With the knowledge of elections having a common pattern of violence and malpractices in the third world countries is easy to locate and situate the problem of democratic transition through popular elections within the context of the electoral malpractice.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF STUDY
Given that all elections in Nigeria have always had a common pattern of being characterized by malpractice it becomes clear that the objective of this study is to conduct a survey of general native of electoral malpractice in the election so far had in this country showing how these malpractice have affected the Nigeria political system. The study aims amongst other thing to;
1. Document various types of electoral malpractices that have occurred during the first and second republican elections.
2. Try and find out why this problem continues to flourish in the Nigeria political process.
3. proffer solutions to the problem of electoral malpractice in order to move the country forward in the area of democratic political transitions.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Poverty rates relative to social spending in other words does a government spending more on social programmes have lower poverty rates than those that do not.
Couldn’t you try measure the relation between interest rate cut and price increases in the economy.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
Elections are watershed in the political development of any country to the extent that political stability of a country depends on the integrity development.
The significance of this study lies in the ability to highlight constraints which electoral system and the political system in general as a matter of fact a study of the factors which made these elections rough will contributed to better understanding of the problems posed by malpractices in free and fair elections in the new nations.
In regard, this, the study will go a long way to educate and, inculcate or teach Nigerian electorates on the ills of election malpractices, it is believed that this research will not only add its quota to already existing literatures on elections and electoral malpractices but will serve as a guide in planning and conducting subsequent elections in this country.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The scope in this research will deal mainly on electoral malpractices in Nigeria and its causes, the study also tries to determine the possible solution to the electoral malpractice problems.
1.7 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
Limitations to this research are the lack of sufficient literature on the key theoretical concepts.
Materials on electoral malpractice are not quite easy to source hence reliance on magazines, journals and similar papers etc.
1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS
ELECTION: Is a process by which the populace selects their leaders by voting. It is a process through which the electorate chooses its representatives into government position.
ELECTION MALPRACTICE: This refers to service of actions that are taken during election periods which bring about political corruption into the government.
POLITICAL VIOLENCE: Is a contriving threat to any political system, it is also a criminal act which is irrational and self defeating since majority of the casualties of the riots are either dead or seriously injured.
POLITICAL PARTY: A party is a group of person united by a common political interest or ideology and engages in power struggle for the purpose of controlling the machinery of government and public politics

Abstract
The high incidence of political conflict has been a major problem in Nigerian politics since the inception of the country as a polity; from the colonial period to the stage of attainment of Republican hood; and since then free and fair election have been very elusive because all election has been characterized by political violence, in our attempt to address these phenomenon we analyze the case of Anambra state between 1999 to 2007 when the violence reached climax in the state. We used documentary research method for gathering and analyzing data while conflict theory was used for the analytical framework. Political godfatherism was identified as the major problem that generated the crises in the election of Chinwoke Mbadinuju and Chris Ngige the governors that ruled the state during the period under investigation Chief Emeka Offor and Chief Chris Uba the godfathers claimed to have sponsored the election of Mbadinuju and Chris Ngige respectively. Other contributory factors where the imposition of unpopular candidate during the gubernatorial elections in the period and negative reaction of the federal government that aggravated the crises. The work concluded that the political violence was caused by politicians, who wanted to satisfy private interest to the detriment of the collective good of the Anambra state whose disagreement engendered conflict that adversely affected the entire electoral process and the entire political order in form of violence. The work recommends among others things that they should be a legislative order or law that will stop various forms of political godfatherism.
 
 
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
The human race will never see the end of troubles until political power is entrusted to the lover of wisdom “PlatoRepublic”. My first approach to the challenge of this topic, is that we have no choice but to seed to return to the basic context in which Nigerians see the godfather or the conflicts as a segment of the political process as well as the figure, standing against the intellectual extrapolations originating in, and also sustained by, the media.
Politics as a concept when considered against its definition by David Easton, could be said to have been in existence as early as any grouping or organization of people which is formal or sometimes when informal. The Eastonian definition posits that politics is the “authoritative allocation of scare values”. This definition could also be viewed from the point of struggle for the political power will to authoritatively allocates these values through the point of influencing the decisions of who gets what, when and how and finally climaxing at the contestation for the voice of veto on the implementation of the decisions taken.
However, from the above brief overview of the concept of politics would reveal some key factors, the values of resources available to be shared amongst members of the scarce and cannot sufficiently satisfy the needs of every member of the group. This is why there is need for an authority which will decide on the allocation of these scarce resources supposedly in accordance with priority of importance. Another factor to be printed out is that since the decision of ‘what’ anyone would get from the system resides at the points of who makes up the authority of allocation, there is therefore clashes and disagreements at these decisions points.
If the two above factors are aggregated, it would become clear that the political process is one that can be figuratively termed, WAR. And if all these conflicts cannot be amicably resolved by way of resolutions, then the system is at a point of crisis.
The trend of ‘political godfatherism’ which in turn is derived from the maker or sustainers of an aspect of reality, a people to whom great importance is attached. We can then see that there is a relationship between godfather and god-child; godchild being a child for whom one takes responsibility by making promises to help grow in a sphere of life, and god-fatherism has become one of the greatest problem facing the Nigerian political system. It leads to corruption because you have to make returns (he that soweth bountifully, reapeth bountifully). The holder of the political position becomes a stooge to his godfather because he that pays the piper dictates the tune. By the time the godson refuse to meet their (godfathers) demand, it is eventually impeachment from political offices (what a man soweth, that he reap).
In the Nigeria fourth republic dispensation (1999 till date) in question, Anenih – Igbinedion, the Sariki – Lawal face-off, Nwobodo –Nnamani quagmire, Adebibu – Ladoja crisis, Uba – Ngige sage and all other godfather – protégé crisis in Nigeria do not only portend great danger to our democratic experiment, but also on the very essence and validity of our existence as a nation. The billions of naira expended by Nigerian godfathers for bankrolling the elections of their godsons, have totally monetized elections in Nigeria, which automatically disqualifies men of honour, character and integrity from holding elected public positions. Without doubt, the phenomenon has assumed this bizarre from since the enthronement of Nigeria civil rule on May 29, 1999. it started with the acrimony that existed between chief Anthony Anenih (godfather) and Lucky Igbinedion (protégé), the governor of EdoState between May 1999, to May 2003. Chief A. Anenih was purported to have endorsed the candidate of Lucky Igbinedion against other contenders as the governor of the state and also bankrolled his campaign expenses. But Lucky Igbinedion failed to reciprocate the gesture of Anenih by not giving  him adequate government patronage and by acting in ways as loyal ‘godson’. The episode unfolded itself between Dr. Jim Nwobodo (godfather) and Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani (protégé), of EnuguState. Though the godson eventually subdued the godfather after a fierce struggle for the soul of the state. (Essence Library, Godfatherism in Nigeria Politics, 2004, p. 64).
However, during the second term of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the phenomenon of godfatherism becomes  more alarming and dangerous to the survival of Nigeria’s fledging democracy. In OyoState, South-West Nigeria, Adebidu (godfather) and Ladoja (protégé) battle for the soul of Oyo, has affected governance in the State and has reenacted political violence which it was famous for. At the long run, Ladoja won the State gubernatorial election, defeating the incumbent governor, Alhaji Lam Adeshina of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). He was eventually sworn in on 29th May, 2003. When Adedibu decided to nominate 80 percent of the new commissioners and special advisers, Ladoja decided to act fast. He tricked Adedibu to go on a much – needed rest abroad and he made sure the speaker Moroof Olawale Atilola – led House of Assembly immediately approved his list of commissioners that was the end of the pact between Adedibu and Ladoja. The animosity between Adedibu and Ladoja was put into display during the electioneering campaign for the March 27, 2004 Local Government Elections. Ladoja was left to his devices until he was consumed through “impeachment” by the tiger he mounted in 2003. (Celetine Okafor, The Ladoja Impeachment, January 14, 2006).
Another important episode that unfold was that of Chris Uba (godfather) and Chris Ngige (protégé), of AnambraState. After the Oath –taking at the Okija shrine by the godson, he refused to play ball as arranged, looting, blood letting, gubernatorial abduction and judicial ambushes has become common place activities in AnambraState. Until the 16th March, 2006. The godson (Ngige) was finally removed from office. (Essence Library Godfatherism in Nigeria politics, 2004, p.65).
This crisis was very much reflective of how it has always been in the Nigerian polity as it concerns the political elites in the society. They are high and mighty and have the ability to have their way given any situation and almost every crisis that is observed is an after-effect of the musceflexing amongst them and amongst themselves.
1.2   STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
In the proceeding piece of introduction to this work, sufficient and hear exhaustive description and highlights of the various points and forms of manifestation political conflicts in Nigeria fourth republic, was attempted. This was done alongside with the brief overview of the concept “godfatherism” and “political conflicts” in any system, society or political grouping while also considering the frequency of these crisis situations in Nigeria as a nation. Haven looked at the forms of manifestation of the concept. It is proper that we attempt to state the problem(s) that created a sustaining environment for these crisis to blew and thrive.
The first problem could be spotted from the analysis of the above listed political conflicts saga, is that of widespread corruption which has a partner in unpatriotism. Quite consistently, Nigeria has been considered to be among the first five most corruption, fueled by greed for the concept of patriotism, that has resulted in the average Nigeria seeing governance and government as a vehicle for exploitation and self-aggrandizement. So while the people crave for  a leadership of lift maintain mercantilism as their watchword and do everything in the hope of monetary gains and kickback. Anambra, Oyo, Enugu, Edo, etc. are still a classic example of this situation.
The second problem easily identifiable in the entire case scenario of the Oyo, Anambra, Kwara, Edo, Borno, etc political conflicts is “Elitism”. While the consideration of elitism as a problem would not be universally accepted.
Another problem is one that could be said to be an offshoot of the proceeding problem concept, political godfatherism. Political godfatherism is a concept that although is widely in practice in all parts of the world, have assumed disturbing and worrying dimensions and proportions in the nation today. It has become pertinent to have strong political godfathers before considering running for any elective office and even political appointments. Unfortunately, as it was in Anambra, Oyo, Edo, etc. most of these godfathers offer the services of their support only in anticipation of financial kickbacks that are alarmingly huge and extravagant and opposed to the expected norm of service to the people.
 
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
 
The Main Objectives Of This Study Is  to analyze the  Political Conflict In Nigerian Democracy: A Case Study Of Anambra State 1999-2007.
Other specific objectives are:
(1)    To attempt a disclosure of the Godfatherism and effects of political conflicts by examining the various identifiable causes and effects of Anambra State conflict in Nigeria fourth republic.
(2)    To firmly establish the fact that political conflicts had become Nigeria’s consistent bedfellow, with a vivid examination of Anambra State Government crisis.
(3)    And finally, to profer a panacea to the identified causes of these political conflicts in order to prevent a continuance of its sporadic frequency in Nigeria.
1.4 LITERATURE REVIEW
The phenomenons of godfatherism and political conflict have become a plague in the body politics of Nigeria. There is an emerging trend in Nigeria which indicates that an intending contestant must have and depend on a godfather with the requisite wealth and power to get him into elective office. The implication is that contestants no longer rely on their popularity among the electorates but on their chosen godfathers to help them secure electoral victories. Godfatherism is not new in Nigerian politics. It has only assumed a new form under the fourth republic democracy, partly because the Nigerian economy is still at the primitive stage of capital accumulation by the renters and commissioned agents with little or no productive capacities. Politics therefore is the only means of reaching out at the state resources. This phenomenon has trampled on the basic principle of democracy and has encouraged the failure of necessary structures and institutions to act decisively at correcting the anomalies. Godfatherism in Nigeria is therefore a manifestation of a societal decay. It has become a pestilence to the practice of a true democracy in Nigeria (Edigin, 2010). Godfatherism has become a factor in Nigerian politics such that very few politicians can achieve success without the stalwart support of godfathers. In Nigeria, the desire of individuals to rule at all cost has sold political leadership to the highest bidders, as whopping sums of money are needed for electoral manipulation. Therefore, desperate politicians who wish to win elections usually seek after godfathers. The implication of this in Nigerian politics is that the country is yet to make appreciable progress in transparent governance because godfathers usually create setback, which hinders democratic growth and development in Nigeria (Edigin, 2010). One of the prevailing fundamental and sensitive issues in Nigerian politics that cannot be ignored is godfatherism. The political relationship under successive governments in Nigeria is a reflection of the international economic order, which facilitates the pursuit or regime change by avaricious godfather whose major pre-occupation is to perpetuate their hegemonic political influence for personal interest and aggrandizement (Osuntokun, 2003). Conflict and political godfatherism have undoubtedly ruined democratic governance in Nigeria.
 
1.5   HYPOTHESIS
The following hypothesis will be tested during the course of the work.

1. The more monetized the political system is the more the strength of the god-fathers.
2. The more prominent the activities of the god-fathers, the higher the possibility of political instability.
3. The more elected officers depend on god-fathers, the more impoverished the masses would be.

 
1.6 Theoretical framework
This research work  were anchored on  “Conflict Theory”. Conflict theory looks at society as a competition for limited resources. This perspective is a macro-level approach most identified with the writings of German philosopher and sociologist Karl Marx (1818–1883), who saw society as being made up of individuals in different social classes who must compete for social, material, and political resources such as food and housing, employment, education, and leisure time. Social institutions like government, education, and religion reflect this competition in their inherent inequalities and help maintain the unequal social structure. Some individuals and organizations are able to obtain and keep more resources than others, and these “winners” use their power and influence to maintain social institutions. Several theorists suggested variations on this basic theme. Polish-Austrian sociologist Ludwig Gumplowicz (1838–1909) expanded on Marx’s ideas by arguing that war and conquest are the basis of civilizations. He believed that cultural and ethnic conflicts led to states being identified and defined by a dominant group that had power over other groups (Irving 2007).
 
1.7   SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The essence of this study is self-explaining in the presentation of the various facts that constitute the crisis of Anambra State in question. This study seeks to provide us with detailed account of these state crisis and indepth and exhaustive (as much as possible) analysis of the various factors that comes into play in the saga between the period of 1999-2007. This is in the view to finding a lasting solution and thus preventing a reoccurrence of the anomaly in the Nigerian polity.
It is also not in doubt that other scholars could further explore this area of research, just like a few others have done before me, using this work/study as a launch pad. This could be by lending strength and support to some of the ideas or hypothesis that this work seeks to propagate. If could also be by improving in some or all of the errors that I may have unavoidably made in the course of this research. All of these would aid in navigating observers and future researcher of this topic of study, towards the best stock of intellectually analytic compilation on the topic. The end of all these would in no doubt be useful in preventing a future repetition of the errors that are presently a bane on our development in present day.
Finally, it is also noted that this work could be considered as an addition to the bulk of academic and intellectual endeavours and submissions available on this topic and on related topics, particularly in Nigeria. In the final analysis, this work would be seen as another beam of light thrown in the direction of various political upheavals that has bedevilled the country especially in recent times.
1.8   SCOPE  AND LIMITATIONOF THE STUDY
Although the problem of political conflicts is one that is universally acknowledged and pondered upon, the scope of this particular research work would be limited to  Anambra State in Nigeria and the time frame of study would be the fourth republic (1999 – 2007).
The reason for this is because the happenings in the state reflect the trend that being perpetuated nationally. Moreover, any attempt at proffering a long lasting solution to the problem, it is hoped, would also have a bearing on the entire nation.
1.9 DELIMITATIONS OF DATA
One major challenge in the course of this study was the general unwillingness of people from the study area to give detailed information on the subject matter. The study populations were sensitive and skeptical about giving out accurate information. They cited security reasons for this challenge. However, the researcher was able to persuade the respondents about the relevance of their information for proffering effective measures to the challenge of godfatherism and political violence in Anambra state so as to attain sustainable peace and development in the state. The respondents complained that despite all the research carried out in relation to the topic, nothing has been done to combat the trend of godfatherism and political violence and its challenge on the people. However, they were assured that all information given out would be treated with strict confidentiality. Also, the low level of education of some of the respondents in the study area necessitates the need to assist in writing out some the opinions.
On the interview aspect, the respondents were not readily available to provide relevant information but measures such as phone calls were utilized to carry out the interview. In all, despite these difficulties encountered, the research findings were not negatively affected in any way. Therefore, the researcher was able to generate meaningful insight into the issue of focus to the study.
1.10 DEFINITION OF TERMS
 
 (1).  Godfatherism:- Godfatherism is “a male godparent: a sponsor – one who pays the bill. The head of a criminal investigation”.
(2).  Politics:- The struggle for power which itself is the authority to determine or formulate and execute decisions and policies, which must be accepted by the society. It is the struggle for power of governance, especially executive authority.
(3)   Elites:- These are limited number of people who believed that they possessed the qualities necessary for accession to full social and political powers.
(4)   Crisis:- Means an unstable situation, a sudden attack of pain or stress. Violent struggle between two parties over an idea or possession.
(5)   Conflict:- Means the disagreement in ideas or over a thing between groups of persons or one person and another.
(6)   Bargaining:-Means the presentation of proposals and counter – proposals by two disagreeing parties, with the hope of attaining an agreement or an equilibrium.
(7)   Godson:– Godson is a male godchild who is put under the supervision of his godfather.
(8)   Saga:– Long story of brave deeds
(9)   Clog:– become blocked with thick or stricky materials
(10) Clog:-a small figure of a person that can be made to move or a group or person whose actions are controlled by another.
(11) Elastic:– This is something that can be altered, not fixed
(12) Chameleonic:– A person who changes her or his behaviour, opinion etc to suit the situation.
 
1.11   Method of data collection and analysis
The nature of this research makes it expedient that a secondary source of data is undertaken in order to provide relevant data, effort will be made to collect secondary sources in literature such as book, magazines, newspapers, journals, internet and other similar materials. The principal method used will be questionnaires which will be given to indigenes of Anambra State who pertake in 199,2007 gubernatorial election. – primary source

Impact Of Corruption On Transportation And Economic Growth In Nigeria Growth Under Democratic Dispensation (1999 -2018)
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
 
Nigeria became independent in 1960, having a population of over 150 million people with diverse culture and abundant resources. Nigeria has a very large labour force to support the labour market and economy which consists of different sectors, such sector includes the Agriculture sector, the Energy sector, the Mining sector, the Manufacturing sector, the Banking sector, the Communication sector, the transportation sector and so on.
Many economists have been interested in factors which can cause the growth of their nations, one major factor is TRANSPORTATION. The study of Transportation in Nigeria has  become important due to the view or thought of researchers trying to formulate better policy that will affect the transport sector positively which will later bring about an efficient, effective and standard transport system. Thus the demand for Transport service in the country over the year has increased rapidly, while the supply of transport services has declined due to lesser infrastructure in place in the system, because a well-functioning and integrated transport system among other thing in the economy stimulates national growth and development which enhances the quality of life for all enabling the seamless movement of goods and services and people, through the provision of vital linkages between spatially separated facilities which enables social contact and interaction possible and also providing access to employment, health, education, and other services which brings about civilisation. For instance, Agricultural products generated in the rural areas needs to be carried/taken to the urban centres for further distribution which can take place or be achieved only through means of transporting those goods from that place to another, here transportation provides the means by which product are circulated around the country.
The evolution to modern transport system in Nigeria can be viewed from two phases according to the federal government of Nigeria draft on national transport policy on august 2010.The first phase is the colonial period that marked the origin of modern transport system.